China, India & the US Jostle For Space In Asian Waters

Over the last few decades, the impor­tance of mar­itime secu­ri­ty in the Asia-Pacif­ic region has dras­ti­cal­ly increased. The sea lines of com­mu­ni­ca­tion (SLOCs) that con­nect nations through­out Asia are crit­i­cal­ly impor­tant due to the flow of vital resources and trade goods that nations rely on to sus­tain their eco­nom­ic devel­op­ment.

 -
 -
Here you can find more infor­ma­tion about: 

In this con­text, the tra­di­tion­al land pow­ers of India and Chi­na have rec­og­nized the impor­tance of naval pow­er, and are sub­se­quent­ly in the process of mod­ern­iz­ing their navies. In addi­tion to this region­al buildup, the Unit­ed States fun­da­men­tal­ly impacts mar­itime secu­ri­ty in the region due to its hege­mon­ic dom­i­nance, both in terms of naval capa­bil­i­ties and tech­no­log­i­cal supe­ri­or­i­ty. The col­li­sion of inter­ests between these three nations defines the geopo­lit­i­cal envi­ron­ment with­in the Asia Pacific. 

In the past two decades Chi­na has rapid­ly attempt­ed to mod­ern­ize its navy, with mil­i­tary expen­di­tures increas­ing by over 140 per­cent since 1997. Recent mil­i­tary mod­ern­iza­tion with­in Chi­na has been focused towards upgrad­ing its naval capa­bil­i­ties, and devel­op­ing a blue-water navy capa­ble of pow­er-pro­jec­tion through­out the Asia Pacific. 

An analy­sis of Chi­nese naval mod­ern­iza­tion can best be explored through their dri­ve for a mod­ern air­craft-car­ri­er. In 2009, Defense Min­is­ter Ling Guan­glie announced that the Chi­nese navy will be equipped with two air­craft car­ri­ers by as ear­ly as 2015. Chi­na then launched its first air­craft car­ri­er in August 2011, which was a refit­ted ver­sion of a Sovi­et car­ri­er. While the car­ri­er is cur­rent­ly only fit of train­ing pur­pos­es, and will not be a ful­ly oper­a­tional com­bat ves­sel for years to come, it rep­re­sents China’s grow­ing naval pow­er. The attain­ment of an air­craft car­ri­er pro­vides Chi­na with the tra­di­tion­al sym­bol of a world pow­er while also pro­vid­ing the capa­bil­i­ty to secure the SLOCs through which its oil and resource exports have to trav­el through. 

India has sim­i­lar­ly been mod­ern­iz­ing its mil­i­tary capa­bil­i­ties. India dou­bled its defense bud­get between 1994 and 2004, and cur­rent­ly has plans to spend US$40 bil­lion on mil­i­tary expan­sion over the next four years. India’s naval mod­ern­iza­tion, how­ev­er, has been arguably more effi­cient and effec­tive than China’s, as the for­mer has focused on qual­i­ty over quan­ti­ty, and invest­ed in state-of-the-art weapons systems. 

With­in India, there is recog­ni­tion that a strong naval pow­er is not only vital to uphold­ing its secu­ri­ty inter­ests, but also for its con­tin­ued pros­per­i­ty. India already has pos­ses­sion of one air­craft car­ri­er, and impor­tant­ly, is plan­ning to increase this num­ber to a total of three car­ri­ers by 2020. India’s dri­ve for mar­itime dom­i­nance has recent­ly inten­si­fied with its 2012–2013 defense bud­get increas­ing by 13 per­cent, and with the navy receiv­ing the largest share in com­par­i­son to the oth­er arms of its military. 

Already, Indi­an naval mod­ern­iza­tion efforts have seen com­mend­able results. As recent­ly as last month, India launched two new class­es of sub­marines, includ­ing a nuclear pow­ered sub­ma­rine, and con­duct­ed the first flight of the naval ver­sion of its light com­bat aircraft. 

A main source of com­pe­ti­tion between Chi­na and India is in the field of ener­gy secu­ri­ty. Access to and trans­porta­tion of valu­able resources has increas­ing­ly meant that geopo­lit­i­cal process­es define strate­gic pol­i­cy in the region. 

India does not want to see a Chi­nese naval build-up in the region, yet it is clear that Chi­na has pressed its mar­itime agen­da into the region. In response to this, we see India try­ing to counter-bal­ance Chi­na. As the Chi­nese navy mod­ern­izes, India has become increas­ing­ly wary of being encir­cled in the Indi­an Ocean. 

For exam­ple, China’s “string of pearls” strat­e­gy, which refers to the nego­ti­a­tion of bas­ing rights along the sea route which con­nects Chi­na to the Mid­dle East, does not include inter­ac­tion with India. Indi­an pol­i­cy-mak­ers increas­ing­ly are wor­ried about the future con­trol of SLOCs and the secu­ri­ty of India’s ener­gy. Due to this “string of pearls,” for exam­ple, Chi­na is able to check India’s rise, and mon­i­tor their mar­itime exer­cis­es due to the lever­age they gain with hav­ing bas­ing rights in Pak­istan. Fur­ther­more, China’s strat­e­gy allows access to routes that bypass the Malac­ca Strait. This impacts India’s geoe­co­nom­ic sta­bil­i­ty and region­al stand­ing, as any block­ade to the strait would heav­i­ly dam­age India, while Chi­na would have an alter­na­tive route it can rely on. 

It is India’s rela­tion­ship with the Unit­ed States, how­ev­er, that is the most impor­tant tool for India’s counter-bal­anc­ing of Chi­na. Both Chi­na and India have been sus­pi­cious about the other’s rela­tion­ship with the Unit­ed States, yet both have been try­ing to fos­ter a strate­gic rela­tion­ship with Wash­ing­ton. India cur­rent­ly has the more strate­gi­cal­ly advan­ta­geous rela­tion­ship, which is a great wor­ry for Chi­na. It is per­ceived that Chi­na is being coun­tered while India is being bol­stered as the region­al pow­er. The Unit­ed States is rely­ing upon India to secure the cru­cial sea lanes, and has increas­ing­ly been con­ced­ing lead­er­ship of the Indi­an Ocean to India. For­mer Sec­re­tary of State Col­in Pow­ell has pub­licly stat­ed that “India has the poten­tial to keep the peace in the vast Indi­an Ocean and its periphery.” 

China’s abil­i­ty to uphold its mar­itime secu­ri­ty in the region large­ly rests on its abil­i­ty to oper­ate under the naval dom­i­nance of the Unit­ed States. Even though there have been friend­ly mil­i­tary exchanges between the two coun­tries, their strate­gic trust remains very low. For exam­ple, China’s reac­tion to the U.S. pro­pos­al for a Glob­al Mar­itime Part­ner­ship was met with neg­a­tiv­i­ty and dis­trust. It was at first sug­gest­ed that such a part­ner­ship would make great break­throughs in Sino‑U.S. rela­tions, but ana­lysts from with­in Chi­na claimed that such a pro­pos­al only fur­thered U.S. dom­i­na­tion of mar­itime affairs at the glob­al level. 

A defin­ing fea­ture of the geopo­lit­i­cal envi­ron­ment with­in the Asia Pacif­ic in the years to come will be whether or not Chi­na and India will be able to uphold their mar­itime inter­ests with­out unnec­es­sary esca­la­tion or con­fronta­tion. The Unit­ed States is cen­tral to this sce­nario, due to its role as region­al hege­mon and its capac­i­ty to pro­vide India a strate­gic advan­tage by coun­ter­ing Chi­nese naval ambitions. 

Source:
www.DefenceNews.in

The web­site is ded­i­cat­ed to give a com­plete, swift and day-to-day cov­er­age of all the lat­est hap­pen­ings in the world of Indi­an Defence and Aero­space in an accu­rate, objec­tive, cred­i­ble and com­pre­hen­sive manner. 

Team GlobDef

Seit 2001 ist GlobalDefence.net im Internet unterwegs, um mit eigenen Analysen, interessanten Kooperationen und umfassenden Informationen für einen spannenden Überblick der Weltlage zu sorgen. GlobalDefence.net war dabei die erste deutschsprachige Internetseite, die mit dem Schwerpunkt Sicherheitspolitik außerhalb von Hochschulen oder Instituten aufgetreten ist.

Alle Beiträge ansehen von Team GlobDef →